Saussure's theory of sign
11.05.2023 · AE530511
--Ferdinand de Saussure, from Course in
General Linguistics
The Nature of the Linguistic Sign
Sign, Signified,
Signifier
Some people regard language, when reduced to its
elements, as a naming-process only – a list of words, each corresponding to
the thing that it names. For example:
This conception is open to criticism at several
points. It assumes that ready-made ideas exist before words (on this point,
see below); it does not tell us whether a name is vocal or psychological in
nature (arbor, for instance, can be considered from either viewpoint):
finally, it lets us assume that the linking of a name and a thing is a very
simple operation – an assumption that is anything but true. But this rather
naïve approach can bring us near the truth by showing us that the linguistic
unit is a double entity, one formed by the associating of two terms.
We have seen in considering the
speaking-circuit that both terms involved in the linguistic sign are
psychological and are united in the brain by an associative bond. This point
must be emphasized.
The linguistic sign unites, not a thing and
a name, but a concept and a sound-image. The latter is not the material
sound, a purely physical thing, but the psychological imprint of the sound,
the impression that it makes on our senses. The sound-image is sensory, and
if I happen to call it "material," it is only in that sense, and by
way of opposing it to the other term of the association, the concept, which
is generally more abstract.
The psychological character of our
sound-images becomes apparent when we observe our own speech. Without moving
our lips or tongue, we can talk to ourselves or recite mentally a selection
of verse. Because we regard the words of our language as sound-images, we
must avoid speaking of the "phonemes" that make up the words. This
term, which suggests vocal activity, is applicable to the spoken word only,
to the realization of the inner image in discourse. We can avoid that
misunderstanding by speaking of the sounds and syllables of a
word provided we remember that the names refer to the sound-image.
The linguistic sign is then a two-sided
psychological entity that can be represented by the drawing:
The two elements are intimately united, and each
recalls the other. Whether we try to find the meaning of the Latin word arbor
or the word that Latin uses to designate the concept "tree," it is
clear that only the associations sanctioned by that language appear to us to
conform to reality, and we disregard whatever others might be imaged.
Our definition of the linguistic sign poses
an important question of terminology. I can the combination of a concept and
a sound-image a sign, but in current usage the term generally
designates only a sound-image, a word, for example (arbor, etc.). One
tends to forget that arbor is called a sign only because it carries
the concept "tree," with the result that the idea of the sensory
part implies the idea of the whole.
Ambiguity would disappear if the three notions
involved here were designated by three names, each suggesting and opposing
the others. I propose to retain the word sign [signe]
to designate the whole and to replace concept and sound-image
respectively by signified [signifie]
and signifier [signifiant]; the last
two terms have the advantage of indicating the opposition that separates them
from each other and from the whole of which they are parts. As regards sign,
if I am satisfied with it, this is simply because I do not know of any word
to replace it, the ordinary language suggesting no other.
The linguistic sign, as defined, has two
primordial characteristics. In enunciating them I am also positing the basic
principles of any study of this type.
Principle I: The
Arbitrary Nature of the Sign
The bond between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary. Since I
mean by sign the whole that results from the associating of the signifier
with the signified, I can simple say: the linguistic sign is arbitrary.
The idea of "sister" is not linked by any inner
relationship to the succession of sounds s-o-r which serves as its
signifier in French: that it could be represented equally by just any other
sequence is proved by differences among languages and by the very existence
of different languages: the signified "ox" has as its signifier b-o-f
on one side of the border and o-k-s on the other.
[. . .] One remark in passing: when semiology becomes organized as a
science, the question will arise whether or not it properly includes modes of
expression based on completely natural signs, such as pantomime. Supposing
that the new science welcomes them, its main concern will still be the whole
group of systems grounded on the arbitrariness of the sign. In fact, every
means of expression is used in society is based, in principle, on collective
behavior or – what amounts to the same thing – on convention. Polite
formulas, for instance, though often imbued with a certain natural
expressiveness (as in the case of a Chinese who greets his emperor by bowing
down to the ground nine times), are nonetheless fixed by rule; it is this
rule and not the intrinsic value of the gestures that obliges one to use them.
Signs that are wholly arbitrary realize better than the others the ideal of
the semiological process; that is why language, the
most complex and universal of all systems of expression, is also the most
characteristic; in this sense linguistics can become the master-pattern for
all branches of semiology although language is only one particular semiological system.
[. . .] The word arbitrary also calls for comment. The term
should not imply that the choice of the signifier is left entirely to the
speaker (we shall see below that the individual does not have the power to
change a sign in any way once it has become established in the linguistic
community); I mean that it is unmotivated, i.e. arbitrary in that it actually
has no natural connection with the signified.
In concluding let us consider two objections that might be raised to
the establishment of Principle I:
>P>1. Onomatopoeia might
be used to prove that the choice of the signifier is not always arbitrary.
But onomatopoeic formulations are never organic elements of a linguistic
system. Besides, their number is much smaller than is generally supposed.
Words like French fouet ‘whip’ or glas ‘knell’ may strike certain ears with
suggestive sonority, but to see that they have not always had this property
we need only examine their Latin forms (fouet
is derived from fagus ‘beech-tree,’ glas from classicum
‘sound of a trumpet’). The quality of their present sounds, or rather the
quality that is attributed to them, is a fortuitous result of phonetic
evolution.
As for authentic onomatopoeic words (e.g. glug-glug, tick-tock,
etc.), not only are they limited in number, but also they are chosen somewhat
arbitrarily, for they are only approximate and more or less conventional
imitations of certain sounds (cf. English bow-wow and French ouaoua). In addition, once these words have been
introduced into the language, they are to a certain extent subjected to the
same evolution – phonetic, morphological, etc. – that other words undergo
(cf. pigeon, ultimately from Vulgar Latin pipio,
derived in turn from an onomatopoeic formation): obvious proof that they lose
something of their original character in order to assume that of the
linguistic sign in general, which is unmotivated.
2. Interjections, closely related to onomatopoeia, can be
attacked on the same grounds and come no closer to refuting our thesis. One
is tempted to see in them spontaneous expressions of reality dictated, so to
speak, by natural forces. But for most interjections we can show that there
is no fixed bond between their signified and their signifier. We need only
compare two languages on this point to see how much such expressions differ
from one language to the next (e.g. the English equivalent of French aie! is ‘ouch!’). We know, moreover, that many
interjections were once words with specific meanings (cf. French diable! ‘darn!’ mordieu! ‘golly!’ from mort Dieu
‘God’s death,’ etc.).
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